Reincarnated: Vive La France

June 1937. Vienna.

The city seemed suspended between memory and uncertainty, as if trying to decide whether to wake from a dream or lean further into it.

In the parliament building, what little business remained was ceremonial.

Half the seats sat empty.

Most of the parties had collapsed under their own contradictions monarchists uneasy about independence, socialists wary of Germany yet too broken to resist, conservatives fractured by quiet sympathies with Berlin.

The chamber was cold.

President Miklas sat through three brief sessions and left without comment.

The press called them "hollow days."

One editorial likened the assembly to a theater where no play had been written.

In the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, telegrams arrived with increasing regularity from ambassadors abroad.

Paris remained silent, save for one coldly worded message noting "developments of regional concern."

London expressed "hope for peaceful continuance of Austrian sovereignty." Washington sent nothing.

But it was the cable from Prague that stung most.

"German influence in your schools now measurable. Czech universities registering concern. Recommending cultural vigilance."

It was written by a Czech attaché.

But the message had been composed by someone who understood Austria better than most.

Beneath the formal language was a quiet plea.

Don't become us.

Elsewhere in the city, the tone was less subtle.

At St. Stephen's Cathedral, mass attendance rose sharply.

People didn't pray for clarity anymore.

They prayed for firmness, for identity, for someone to say what Austria still meant.

In the pews, one priest leaned to another between hymns.

"They don't come for sermons. They come for silence."

His colleague nodded. "Silence is all we can offer. Anything louder might be treason."

Outside, on Graben Street, a group of well-dressed students handed out pamphlets.

"German Brotherhood Day - Celebrate Unity Through Culture."

The front was tasteful.

Poems by Goethe and Schiller.

A quote from Beethoven.

The back had a single line, almost small enough to miss.

"Borders are born of politics, not blood."

The pamphlet was unsigned.

But everyone knew who printed it.

By the third week of June, signs began to emerge in shop windows not proclamations, just changes.

A tailor's storefront that once advertised "Austrian Suits" now read "Continental Craftsmanship."

A bookstore offered a new "Vienna-Berlin" section.

At the opera, the schedule shifted.

Two German guest conductors arrived.

Their performances were flawless, received with long applause but even those who clapped knew the ovation wasn't just for music.

One older patron whispered, "They're not guests. They're scouts."

In a government office near the Volkstheater, a low-ranking civil servant named Franz Berger received a sealed packet from the Office of Interior Analysis.

It was stamped "Eyes Only."

Inside, names.

A list of twenty-two mid-level bureaucrats, school inspectors, postal heads, even a railroad supervisor each flagged as "sympathetic to external interests."

Franz set it down slowly.

He had met half of them.

One played cards with him on Saturdays.

At lunch, he confided in his superior.

"They're just civil servants," he said. "Not agitators. Not ideologues."

His boss didn't look up from his soup.

"Doesn't matter. Sympathy is contagious."

South of Vienna, in the city of Graz, the mayor gave a speech celebrating the city's ties to the "Germanic cultural inheritance."

No reference to politics.

No mention of Berlin.

But the banner above the stage said "Gemeinschaft über Grenzen" Community Beyond Borders.

After the speech, a small protest gathered outside the city hall.

A dozen students with handmade signs.

"Austria Is Not A Province,"

"Our Heritage Is Our Own."

Police watched.

Then dispersed the crowd gently, politely.

One officer was heard saying, "Go home. Before your name ends up somewhere it shouldn't."

In Salzburg, a group of railway workers refused to participate in a cultural exchange parade involving German youth organizations.

Three were dismissed.

No reason given.

The newspaper didn't report it.

But the message was understood.

In Vienna again, a different kind of meeting occurred.

Not in offices or cafés, but in a private room at the National Library.

Five men writers, professors, archivists sat at a long wooden table under high ceilings.

They weren't politicians.

They were custodians of memory.

"We need to begin recording," said the oldest. "Not for newspapers. Not for ministries. For what comes after."

"After what?" someone asked.

The old man didn't answer.

Instead, he pulled out a folder.

Inside were records clippings, radio transcripts, flyers, edited passages from history books.

"It's already begun. But it hasn't yet been witnessed. Our job is to record what will one day seem obvious."

"You think we'll fall?"

"No," he said. "I think we're already lying down."

By the final days of July.

Everything was out of focus.

On a tram near the Hofburg, a mother corrected her child for saying "Reichsmark" instead of "Schilling."

"We don't say that," she whispered.

"Why not?" the child asked.

"Because we're still Austrian."

"Still?"

The word remained as a question and a answer.

A private meeting took place at the German embassy.

Not a grand affair just a small room, a few functionaries, and a guest from Bavaria.

He delivered two items.

A report and a photograph.

The report listed newspaper circulation data, radio frequencies, and classroom textbook adoptions.

The photograph showed a rally in Linz.

Only 300 people.

But 270 of them were clapping.

The rest were watching silently.

The guest summarized it cleanly.

"They no longer ask what will happen. They ask when."

The attaché smiled. "Then the question is how we greet them when they arrive."

August approached.

President Miklas, older now than he had ever felt, dictated a short note to be sealed in his papers.

"History is not a door we walk through. It is a wall we lean against until it falls."

He didn't sign it.

Outside, the streets filled with the sounds of shoes, carriages, shopkeepers, radios, whispers.

But none of it was loud.

Austria was not conquered.

It was eroded.

One song, one pamphlet, one handshake at a time.

The Anschluss hadn't happened.

But its shadow had already moved through the streets, like a wind that didn't knock just waited.