pirated stuff

The year 1932 had arrived without much further fanfare, much to my relief - however, hyperinflation had already reared its ugly head. It was 20 Marks to buy a loaf of bread at the end of the war, but now it was 600 Marks and the trend was only going up. Party leader Heimal Schlage was doing everything in his power to prevent the whole system from collapsing underneath him.

In his role as currency commissioner of the Republic, he had introduced the Rentenmark, a new banknote backed by the mortgage on all the properties in the country. A good start, considering how the last currency was quickly losing value, but he was only applying band-aids to a severed limb. With an election coming this November, there was no time to waste trying to maintain public confidence.

While Schlage was getting the Social Democrats and the Centralists to help plug the holes of a sinking ship of state, I made it my role to be the party's hopemonger for the time being, imploring the Germanian people to not give into despair. Due to the size of the DDP and the amount of capital given by the industrialists and the bankers, I had every method and opportunity to spread the liberal message across the entire republic.

Having access to the radio was invaluable in my endeavors: other than a newspaper, I could put my message directly into the people's homes as a campaign aid. These "Fireside Chats," as I proposed the idea to Schlage as part of our political campaign, would give our message far greater reach than any poster or party slogan. At least, until November hit.

A chance to talk about the rising inflation in Germania? I immediately hopped into a chair and turned on the microphone. I was grateful that Schlage managed to secure me a spot on the government-scheduled radio program.

"The road to healing is a long one. Keep the course and be led not astray. We will make it, someday. Always remember: we have made it this far in history and it is just a little farther ahead. The Francois may laugh at us and the Albish will sneer, but time will show that in the end, it is we who will be laughing at them. Let us continue this burden together. Let us save those who can still be saved."

They wanted to know my thoughts on Triano?

"No. This is not a disaster. Our defeat, our collapse, make it part of our story of Germania. Our ancestors have endured just as great: the Black Death, the 30 Years War, the Napoleonic Wars. Time and time again, we have fallen. But we have always risen higher as a result.

"The strongest steel must endure the hottest fire. You cannot transform a kitten into a lion by giving it a bowl of milk. If we are to be God's greatest warriors, we must engage in his toughest battles."

How will we respond to the growing instability in the Republic?

"Look out your window. This is your country. Somewhere in these dirty streets and broken lights, under this sky and on the earth, you are still alive. Breathing and alive. Germania lives inside of you. You can do it. You can make this nation work. It is possible because time makes it possible."

Of course, it was not enough to just give kind words without any proper substance to back it up. If we were to avoid the disastrous hyperinflation inevitably eating away at the public confidence in our democratic system, we needed to be as transparent with the voter base as possible. I had talked with Schlage to discuss with the Social Democrats: no matter what happens, fiscal responsibility was the number one priority. Removing the breaks on the currency printing press would only spell disaster for the Progressive bloc on the campaign trail. It was only a matter of weeks before I walked into the radio studio again to give another speech.

"To the people of Germania, I want to take a few minutes of your time to talk about currency. Given the undeniable reality that a consumer's purchasing power has become increasingly shallow and insignificant, it is crucial that you, dear citizen, know how the government shall respond to this unprecedented crisis. As you are quite well aware, the biggest instigator of the growing inflation is the war reparations that Francois has enforced upon us.

"300 billion Gold Marks must be paid in reparations, in hard currency. Currency that the federal government currently lacks in any official capacity. I recognize that this is a massive burden to pay to our enemies in Parisee but it is not insurmountable. As of now, President Erbel and Chancellor Heriman Mulch of the Social Democratic Party have opened negotiations with the Francois-Albish coalition for more favorable conditions for the repayment plan. If we could get a complete restructuring of the debt, then these symptoms of a lost victory would be temporary. I express confidence that once we prove that we can deliver on our promises, Parisee and Londinium will be content to collect the cash no matter what method we use.

"To give our country the purchasing power needed to give the Deutschmark value, I propose a series of economic reforms, as a figure in the Germanian Democratic Party, for the ruling coalition in the Reichstag to consider with great interest.

"First, I suggest that we must turn our thoughts away from prioritizing short-term relief over long-term prosperity. To put it plainly, the government needs money. For too long, the world has remained ignorant of the untold wealth gained from international cooperation; the freedom of commerce and movement will be the most important action that we must enact. We have to remove tariffs! Entirely. Our market lacks customers and if we do not find them here, then we must find them elsewhere. If you want to encourage people to explore your marketplace, you don't install an entrance fee. Let the outside world see the marvels of Germanian engineering and craftsmanship without restriction, and our streets shall be gilded with foreign capital. In addition, I implore the people of Germania to place their confidence in the Berun once more. Buy government bonds to help the nation rise back on its feet. You don't need to spend everything: 10 pfennigs to the Federal Bank for every Deutschmark you make would be more than enough to allow for a recovery. Have faith in the coalition to restore our place in the sun.

"Second, to combat the rising unemployment due to our sons, fathers, and brothers returning from the frontlines, I implore the Social Democrats in office to consider exploring avenues of expanding industrial production that would allow for the expansion of current jobs and the creation of new ones. In addition, a public works program is needed to prevent our patriots from rusting in their own homes. War has given the sons of Germania a purpose in life but now, Peace has demanded they contribute to the nation in more benign, less glamorous ways. By giving them shovels, we can solve the unemployment crisis by embarking on a national infrastructure program to modernize the republic's Autobahn and railway networks. Every village shall have a train station while every town and city is connected by a highway. Our country is a body and for a body to function, the blood must flow freely between each organ and muscle.

"Third and most importantly, the federal government must tighten its belt. Even though this will be the most difficult decision for the SPD to enact, it is necessary to curb spending on non-essential services. As the saying goes, strong medicine tastes bitter. The state budget must be reduced in any capacity possible while taxes must be raised to curb the spending deficit. I understand that more taxes are the last thing the Germanian people want to hear but it must be said. I am tired of seeing my countrymen being led astray by demagogues and warmongers like lambs in a slaughterhouse. Take it from my mouth, of Argent Silver, there are no shortcuts to success. No secret tunnel to recovery.

There is the easy way and there is the right way to wealth and prosperity. A cheater may win a race but a true competitor will win every race. The situation in Germania is your problem as much as it is mine. With your support, we cannot fail. Remember the next time the Francois and Albish slander the good name of Germania; our success here will be our greatest revenge."

By giving the SPD-led coalition an escape route, these economic reforms would sap away from the power bases the communists and the fascists had accumulated. Ideology is secondary to the basic needs of food, shelter, and employment. Once these programs were enacted, the Germanian Republic would be on a steadfast trajectory to become a stable and functioning state, or at least stable enough for foreign investors to become optimistic enough to start throwing money into the economy. Attracting foreign capital such as loans would give us further resources to inject into reconstruction.

I didn't expect the situation to completely turn around by autumn, but it should be just enough to prevent the radical extremist parties from obtaining enough of the popular vote to be a nuisance in future political planning. Would the SPD actually implement my ideas? If they were too scared to rock the boat before, the popular mandate would encourage them to finally take more aggressive action.

Schlage, meanwhile, was pleasantly surprised, shocked even, once he had digested my latest messages. Compared to his proposal, it was like going into a copper mine and finding a vein of gold. No wonder he looked scared: no doubt he hadn't expected a mere soldier to advocate radical economic reform. I might just steal his job if President Erbel finds my performance more than satisfactory.

Not all proposals could be as cheery, unfortunately. When I suggested that the nation's natural mineral deposits be used as collateral if we ever default on our payments, Schlage reached the same conclusion with great, albeit relatable, frustration. It would be deeply unpopular for Germanians to see their wealth plundered by the enemy; for the coal miner sees his day's work shipped off to a foreign land without so much as a second glance.

Nonetheless, I could tell Schlage would've loved to jump on the other programs with both feet on the gas pedal, but since he was still a tad bit too far away from any influential federal position, throwing ideas at the wall was the best strategy we had at the moment.

Given my reputation and immediate impact on the political sphere, it was inevitable that I would get the full attention of the other two progressive parties. Currently, the Big Three were the Social Democratic Party, Zentrum (or Centre), and finally the Germanian Democratic Party. Given how the monarchy did a terrific job in destroying the legitimacy of the conservative movement, the Social Democrats had the lion's share of the votes and the seats in the Reichstag.

The SPD, the most paradoxical political party in the 20th century, was both beloved and hated for ending the Great War and restoring peace in Europe. It was also Europe's second-largest Marxist-influenced party -though the Francois Republic would beg to differ- and Germania's most popular party. While I did not subscribe to their Marxist principles, I did admire the pro-peace faction that tried to prevent the escalation of war. Unfortunately, no one could stop the flood of nationalist outrage against them.

The SPD was large enough that one could say it was a big tent party. It was all too similar to the Liberal Democratic Party back in my old life, with its vaguely centre-left position and commitment to making Social Democracy a reality. Whatever that means. Between actual Democratic Socialism, Progressive Democracy, or just general left-wing Populism, pick your poison.

President Erbel and Chancellor Herimann were both in unenviable positions in Germania and they weren't as insidious as the conservatives made them to be. Erbel himself wanted to maintain a balanced parliament, an admirable effort to try to unite both the conservatives and progressives, but it was ultimately a fruitless endeavor. A plane couldn't fly without either left or right wing, but it also couldn't leave the runway if the engines refused to run or, worse, caught aflame instead. Herimann fared no better: being one of the signatories of the Treaty of Triano had also put a target on his back. The stress of being the most hated statesmen in the country had made both of them sickly and weak. This was especially bad for Erbel since he had a long history of poor health.

Zentrumpartei, or the Centre, was a Papalist party. As in, it always represented the interests of Papalist Germanians, promoting Papalist virtues and "Christian Democracy". Given my upbringing and the obvious political affiliation of the nuns at the orphanage I lived in, the Zentrum was my second-best choice after the DDP. Despite being a conservative party, they were the main enemy of the authoritarian DkP during the Kulturkampf and vocal opponents against Rudensdorf's dictatorship. Like Erbel and Herimann, Halmar Berning was also a signatory of Triano.

Political Papalism was always a tricky topic to discuss among Lutheran Christians; when it comes to influencing foreign and domestic policies, the Pope in Vatica had nowhere near the pull it once had during the Middle Ages and the Early Modern Period. At best, His Holiness could give a few suggestions and send some letters in protest. But due to the very fact that the Lutheran Reformation was started because of the corruption and incompetence in the Papacy, you would find very few Lutherans who give a rat's ass about the Pope.

Berning himself was perhaps the most dour-looking politician in all of Berun; he regarded me as though I was the one that invaded the Rhineland. Upon learning his personal animosity towards the Imperial High Command, I could understand why he was so wary around me. My image was paraded across Germania as a prize horse during the dictatorship; each victory I earned was used to reinforce Rudensdorf's regime before its eventual collapse. In a way, I was just as disappointed as he was, hearing my status was used in such a manner.

Finally, the Deutsche Demokratische Partei under Heimal Schlage, once the smallest in the Big Three, was now quickly becoming the most dominant. If the National Liberal Party was anything like the big-tent Liberal Democratic Party in Japan during my old life, then the DDP was the liberal-conservative wing. The more left-wing members had already split off from the party and joined the SPD, pushing the party closer to the centre-left on the spectrum. Schlage had given passionate speeches in the past about his plans to marry classical liberal principles with social progressive ideas. In other words, he was a bit like a nerd discussing his favorite anime crossover.

That wasn't to say that I entirely disagreed with his ambitions. After all, I wanted to be part of this party.

Before my arrival, party recruitment was primarily targeted towards liberal professors, theologians, teachers, university lecturers, etc. Basically well-educated middle-class people -my kind of people- and, graciously enough, we received party membership among executives and civil servants, industrialists, and Judean liberals. Lots and lots of Judean liberals. When I looked over the polling statistics, more Judeans voted for the DDP than any other party.

It's a small wonder why Visha had told me the Germanian Democratic Party was referred to as a "party of Judeans and professors" among conservative circles, especially among White Russy exiles. An attitude she seemed to share with great fear. I could understand her worries: in spite of the usual anti-Semitic conspiratorial drivel, the Judean demographic contained a number of wealthy and intelligent patrons who would no doubt boost the DDP's influence. Our ascent would surely be at the expense of the conservative bloc whom the Whites supported, weakening them and leaving them vulnerable. Given how violent the opposition was growing, Visha must have feared for her relatives' safety now that she was part of the DDP. With any hope, my efforts to woo the conservatives to our side would help allay her worries.

Being the voice and the face of the Republican movement saw the ranks of the Germanian Democratic Party swell and although Schlage expected me to draw in more numbers, he was completely taken aback by the sheer flood of voters and new party members flocking to our banner. As I busied myself with advancing the party agenda, I placed Visha in charge of running background checks on Freikorps Degurechaff - Drachen now.

Even in the new republic, the dragon was still the national animal of Germania.

Speaking of the Freikorps, Reichsbanner Schwarz-Rot-Gold was a coalition of paramilitaries dedicated to protecting the new Republic against the Red Front and the SA. The Blacks, Reds, Golds were the organised protectors of the Zentrum, SPD, and DDP respectively, adopting the name of the tricolor flag of the Germanian Republic. My men were integrated into the ranks of the Golds though they much preferred to maintain their own identity.

Although by far the largest of the significant paramilitaries, their strength numbering well over a million, their actual power projection was limited. Unlike the street-violent Sturmabteilung or the guerilla-inclined Roterfrontkampferbund, they were barely armed, constrained to handguns and revolvers; adhering to a doctrine of "nonviolent" protection. In other words, they were nothing more than glorified bodyguards. A strange example of implemented idealism for the current day and age, in a paramilitary outfit as well. I just hoped my subordinates could adjust to the sudden change.

"I look like a milkman." Koenig sighed. Oh, how he wished his leader would allow them to wear the old Imperial uniforms.

Instead of fieldgrau, the uniforms were a pale beige color. It was quite plain and hideous to look at, with visor caps that were as soft and mushy as bread dough. Putting it on made him feel like a discount version of the Cheka or the NKVD.

He wasn't alone with the sentiment among his fellow Freikorps officers, though; Neumann let out a big-bellied laugh.

"You heard what Tanya said. Would you rather dress up as a middle schooler? Rohr is currently recruiting!"

Koenig shivered as did Weiss and Visha. The National Vanguardists had a… bizarre fashion sense when it came to party uniforms. Everyone borrowed clothes from school once in a while but those Nazi brownshirts took it too far.

But before anyone could continue the conversation, the door opened revealing the most important person in all of their adult lives. She wasn't alone, however, due to how short Tanya was compared to the woman behind her. Koenig fought hard to keep his eyes off the new girl's breasts. He had a fiance, dammit! Keep it together, Koenig!

"At ease, everyone," Tanya said, before moving aside to introduce the young woman. "This is Elena Muller, the newest member of our movement. Thank you, Visha, for spreading the message."

To his left, Visha blushed hard as if she had proposed. Koenig had a feeling the White Russy became a bit…queer to cope with the loss of the Great War. Then again, so did many of his friends and comrades who went to the nightclubs in Berun.

"To summarize her contributions to the Fatherland, Elena collaborated with Rudensdorf's regime as one of his specialist agents. She led an intelligence ring to protect the Home Front from fifth-column spies and traitors."

The smile on Elena's face could not be brighter. Quite frankly, it scared Koenig. Knowing what skills the Major wanted in her followers, leading a network of informants sounded the least notable of her talents.

"She'll be our eyes and ears in this crusade against extremism. It's not enough to take the fight to our enemies; we have to plan for their every move and course of action." Tanya explained, "If you believe that we lack enough insight to guarantee the protection of our party, do not hesitate to ask her for additional assistance."

All four of them nodded quickly.

"I would love to stay and discuss our future together but I have a meeting with Herr Goering so I'll leave you five to get to know each other better."

No sooner did their leader leave than Elena dropped the smiling act and approached the officers with as much grace as a starving lioness on the hunt.

"Have we succeeded?" She demands to know.

It was Weiss who spoke up first.

"Succeeded in acquiring more men and material? Yes. We just need to take the fight to the Kozis."

"But is it enough to take the throne?"

The intensity of her gaze was fierce. While Tanya's eyes were full of fire and rage as deep as the ocean, Elena's were a cold steel blade sharpened on a whetstone. Weiss quickly averted his gaze, clearly wanting his brethren to speak up.

"Possibly." Koenig felt the shivers flow up his spine when the new girl turned her head to face him, "We can remove Lutzebuerg and Rohr from the equation permanently but as for the Reichstag-"

"The Freikorp commanders in the Reichsbanner have collaborated with our leader well enough," Visha interrupted, speaking with a lot more authority in her voice than usual, "But their doubtful integrity and uncertain loyalty towards Tanya's vision of Germania makes further cooperation untenable - we need these men on our side - but once our leader's position in Berun is secured, they will have to be removed from command structure to guarantee a safe transition of power."

Elena pulled out a pen and notepad, signaling the request for names, which Visha and Neumann were all too diligent to give. Altogether, the number was up to 26. 26 individuals in the Reichsbanner whose discretion in saving the Empire remains unsatisfactory. The face Elena gave to Visha was really awkward to discern - were they…?

Koenig quickly banished those dirty assumptions. They weren't a couple. They were roommates. Nothing more.

"When will Tanya give us the order?" Elena asked, putting away her notebook.

"She has not given an exact date yet, hence why you are here…" Neumann shrugged, "But she wants us to be punctual nonetheless so we have plenty of time to tie up loose ends."

I may have been half-lying to my subordinates about that meeting with the Great War fighter ace. It was still going to occur, just later down the line, as I had a more immediate concern to deal with. After some time convincing Schlage to allow me to bring up this issue directly to the Secretary General, he used his political channels in the Reichstag to secure me an appointment with General Lergen. The General was a good man with strong morals and great intelligence, I must not register his involvement on an emotional scale.

"General Lergen," I greeted him with a warm smile, "Congratulations on your promotion."

Although a bit too young for the position, being in charge of all communications between the Reichswehr and the Minister of Defence, Lergen had the confidence and the technical skills to serve admirably. Combined with his sharp appearance, he was a lady's dream husband. However, the lack of a ring on his finger indicated he was married to the job more than anything.

"Likewise, Miss Degurechaff, considering your actions in Magyarorszag and Daneland."

"The people still needed me. I am not one who is so easily discarded by society just because the war is over." I replied, silently dreading where this conversation would end up, my true feelings hidden under a straight but pleasant veneer.

"Your radio messages are also very comforting. I am almost ashamed for underestimating your talents."

"Not all battles can be won with the gun and bayonet. Not all wars can be silenced with an artillery barrage." I shrugged, "This will be my greatest challenge yet."

"Yes, indeed. Though I believe that is not why you insist on meeting me."

"Indeed." My face turned serious. This would be the most important conversation in his career as Secretary General. "Have you heard about the 'Stab in the Back'? Are you familiar with the popular sentiment among right wing and conservative rhetoric?"

"Yes. I am." Lergen answered slowly, his features turning weary. "It is not difficult to notice."

"So you are aware of the contents of this myth - how the 'Stab-in-the-Back' coincides with a recent increase of anti-semitic crimes happening across Central Europe?"

"Not to its full extent, but I also noticed the trend."

"Then you know how dangerous this idea is? How this is leading to a rise of murder, vandalism, and violence against the Judean population in Germania and in the post-Imperial states?"

"It is certainly a reason why there is social and political instability in the Republic. Is there a reason why you approached me on this topic?"

Finally, we get to it. It hurts me to say this but he must know what I plan to do to stop the crisis from spilling out of control.

"General Lergen." I said with the utmost authority I could muster. "I want to say this in the most unambiguous terms possible: Germania was not betrayed by any substantial margin by one - or any - of the ethnic minorities in the Empire. I am conducting a private investigation into the conspiracy theorists perpetrating the insidious lie to preserve the honor and integrity of the nation."

Lergen turned pale. He must have thought I was accusing him of being a slanderer!

"We both served our fatherland with great integrity and ability throughout the Great War and although we could influence several decisions, we could not change the outcome of the war entirely. We lost on the grounds of a collapsing homefront due to a suffocated economy and the overwhelming power of the opposition. I am not accusing you of treason or promoting civil strife, but if you are withholding vital information as to how and why this 'Stab-in-the-Back' myth is being promoted by the Junkers and the officer corps, I will have no choice but to request Chancellor Herimann or his successor that you be removed from all government and military postings."

Now he looked extremely uncomfortable in his chair. His career depended on a squeaky-clean reputation, no doubt he'd underestimated the appeal of the myth. To his sharp mind, the truth was so obvious that it was not worth the time to debunk. Lergen certainly regretted it now.

"Field Marshal Rudensdorf and Zettour -" he began.

"Yes. I already know it is their names attached to this falsehood that gives it credibility. I respect them as war heroes but their association with this myth cannot be ignored. General Lergen, I need to know who else is in on this insidious messaging." I quickly cut in.

This is going nowhere fast. He must have had influential backers who landed him this position and who would drag his name through the mud in one final gasp of petty revenge once this charade was revealed. I would need to protect him from the worst of the fallout once my investigation had been concluded.

Or perhaps I need to whistleblow early and force the culprits to reveal themselves. I already have access to the radio and some of the only widely read newspapers in the country. Yes, I should do that. It would be my credentials against Rudensdorf's and Zettour's.

"I see what must be done now." I smiled. "Worry not, General Lergen, we will be seeing each other very often in the future."