NOVEL WEB Chapter 8: Chapter 8
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On December 22, 2025, as the dust settled from RAKSHAK's seismic raids on the former Chief Minister and key ministers, Bihar teetered on the edge of chaos. The opposition, reeling from the ₹65,000 crore recovered in illicit assets, orchestrated a desperate counteroffensive. Incensed by their leaders' exposure and Aarav Pathak's relentless anti-corruption crusade, Rashtriya Vikas Party and Jan Kalyan Dal operatives incited unrest across the state. By midday, protests erupted in Patna, Muzaffarpur, Gaya, and Darbhanga, escalating into riots—dange and fasaad—as mobs, allegedly backed by opposition muscle, torched vehicles, vandalized shops, and blocked highways. The opposition's narrative, spread via fiery speeches and X posts with #AaravDictator, painted the raids as a political witch hunt, inflaming their loyalists.
Chief Minister Aarav Pathak, in his Patna office, acted swiftly. At 2 p.m., flanked by Home Minister Sanjay Pratap and RAKSHAK's leadership, he declared a 48-hour statewide lockdown to restore order. "Bihar will not bow to chaos," Aarav said in a televised address, his voice calm but resolute. "Those who loot our state cannot hide behind violence." The lockdown, enforced from 3 p.m. on December 22, shuttered markets, halted transport, and imposed a curfew across all 38 districts. Schools, fresh from the 102,000-job exams, remained closed, and the DIGIBIHAR platform issued alerts urging citizens to stay indoors.
The Bihar Police, rallied under Sanjay Pratap's command. While most officers supported Aarav's vision of a clean Bihar, a few, tainted by ties to the old guard, hesitated. Sanjay, the retired Colonel, addressed them in a midnight briefing: "You're either with Bihar's future or its past." His words swayed doubters, and even officers once complicit in corruption joined the effort, driven by the public's faith in Aarav. In Patna's streets, police deployed tear gas and smoke bombs to disperse angry mobs hurling stones and Molotov cocktails. In Gaya, a RAKSHAK-led operation arrested 50 rioters linked to a former minister's aide, their phones revealing opposition-funded coordination.
RAKSHAK, the 1800-strong task force, became Aarav's spearhead. Operating in secrecy, they targeted riot orchestrators, raiding safehouses and seizing cash meant to fuel further unrest. By midnight on December 22, 200 agitators were detained, their confessions exposing a plot to destabilize Aarav's government. The DIGIBIHAR platform, now a nerve center, broadcast real-time updates, assuring citizens of safety measures while urging calm. Aarav, working round-the-clock with Sanjay, coordinated with district magistrates to secure food and medicine supplies during the lockdown.
The public's response was mixed but tilted toward Aarav. In Samastipur, villagers gathered in homes, watching Aarav's address on shared TVs. "He's fighting for us," a farmer told Bihar Times, despite shuttered markets. On X, #BiharBacksAarav trended, with posts like, "Riots are the old netas' last gasp. Aarav's our hope!" Yet, in opposition strongholds like Muzaffarpur, protesters clashed with police, chanting, "Pathak hatao!" The violence, however, alienated many; a Patna shopkeeper, surveying his broken storefront, told a reporter, "The opposition's burning Bihar to save their own skin."
Nationally, the unrest rocked Indian politics. Delhi's newsrooms debated Aarav's lockdown, with some calling it heavy-handed, others a necessary stand. A Times of India editorial praised his resolve: "Pathak's facing down a corrupt empire, and he's not blinking." Uttar Pradesh and West Bengal ministers, wary of similar anti-corruption drives, watched closely. Migrant Biharis in Mumbai held prayer meetings, hoping for peace in their home state.
By December 24, the lockdown's end, order was restored. RAKSHAK's raids netted 400 arrests, including key opposition operatives, and recovered ₹50 crore in cash meant for rioters. The police, backed by smoke bombs and tear gas, had subdued the worst hotspots without fatalities, a testament to Sanjay's restraint. Aarav addressed Bihar again, standing outside the Secretariat. "The chaos was a test," he said, gripping his grandmother's locket. "We've passed it. Bihar's future is stronger than its past." The public cheered, with 78% approving the lockdown in a Bihar Times poll.
In Bhagalpur, Rohan Kumar, the GAURAV exam aspirant, watched the news with classmates. "Aarav sir's cleaning Bihar, and they're fighting back dirty," he told a reporter. "But he's got RAKSHAK, DIGIBIHAR, and us. We'll rebuild." The unrest had shaken Bihar, but Aarav's swift response—blending force, tech, and transparency—solidified his grip. The opposition, now battered, plotted their next move, but Bihar's people, from students to farmers, rallied behind their leader. The war for a new Bihar raged on.
As the dust settled from the December 22-24, 2025, lockdown that quelled opposition-fueled riots in Bihar, Chief Minister Aarav Pathak faced a new battle: a vicious propaganda war aimed at his character. The opposition, battered by RAKSHAK's raids recovering ₹65,000 crore and Aarav's successful 102,000-job exam drive, unleashed a coordinated smear campaign to tarnish his image. By December 25, news channels and social media platforms, allegedly bankrolled by Rashtriya Vikas Party and Jan Kalyan Dal operatives, began airing sensationalized reports accusing Aarav of authoritarianism and casteism, twisting the lockdown's necessity into a narrative of oppression.
The propaganda hit hard. A Patna-based channel, Bihar Samachar, ran a prime-time segment titled "Pathak's Tyranny: Tear Gas on Innocents." It falsely claimed Aarav had ordered police to use tear gas and lathi charges on "peaceful protesters," portraying the lockdown as an attack on ordinary Biharis. Another outlet, Jan Vichar, amplified the narrative, alleging Aarav, an upper-caste leader, deliberately targeted lower-caste communities during RAKSHAK raids, citing the detained former ministers, many from OBC and SC backgrounds. Posts on X with #AaravCasteist spread like wildfire, with doctored videos showing police clashing with crowds, captioned, "Aarav hates the poor!" The opposition's narrative painted him as an elitist IIT-IIM graduate trampling Bihar's marginalized.
The attacks grew personal. A viral article on a dubious news portal labeled Aarav a "dictator in a kurta," accusing him of orchestrating raids to silence dissent and enrich his allies. Rumors swirled that the Bihar Future Fund was a scam to siphon employee savings. In Muzaffarpur, opposition MLAs held rallies, brandishing posters of Aarav with devil horns, chanting, "Pathak hatao, Bihar bachao!" A Jan Kalyan Dal leader, speaking on Bihar Samachar, sneered, "He's a foreign boy who is funded by others to destroy Bihar and pretending to be Bihar's savior, but he's crushing our people with batons and gas." The caste angle gained traction in rural pockets, where opposition workers whispered that Aarav's policies favored urban elites.
Bihar's public was divided. In Patna's markets, some questioned Aarav's methods, swayed by the relentless media barrage. "Is he really against us?" a shopkeeper in Darbhanga asked, citing TV reports. Yet, the majority, especially youth, rallied behind him. On X, #BiharBacksAarav countered the smears, with posts like, "Aarav recovered ₹65,000 crore for us, and they call him casteist? Lies!" Students like Rohan Kumar, the GAURAV aspirant from Bhagalpur, dismissed the propaganda. At a college canteen, he told Bihar Times, "I'm OBC. Aarav's exams gave me a shot at a job. He's not casteist—he's fighting thieves who kept us poor." In Samastipur, Aarav's village, elders gathered at temples, praying for their "beta" against "false tales."
Aarav responded with characteristic calm. On December 26, he held a press conference outside the Secretariat, flanked by Home Minister Sanjay Pratap and Law Minister Reena Choudhary. "The truth doesn't need loudspeakers," he said, holding his grandmother's locket. "RAKSHAK raided corrupt leaders, not castes—₹65,000 crore stolen from all Biharis, upper and lower caste alike." He debunked the lathi charge claims, releasing DIGIBIHAR footage showing police using minimal force to stop rioters burning shops. "The lockdown saved lives, not attacked them," he said. Addressing caste allegations, he pointed to his cabinet's diversity—ministers like Santosh Paswan (Dalit) and Priya Jha (OBC)—and the GAURAV program's rural focus. "My caste is Bihar, I am Bihari, I am Indian" he declared, silencing doubters.
The national media was split. Delhi-based channels like India Now called the propaganda "a desperate opposition ploy," praising Aarav's transparency. Others, skeptical, ran debates questioning his methods. Other state leaders watched warily; a West Bengal minister tweeted, "Bihar's drama shows anti-corruption comes at a cost." Migrant Biharis in Mumbai and Delhi, bombarded by news, stood firm. A Delhi cab driver told Times of India, "Aarav's being framed because he's hitting the corrupt hard."
By December 28, the tide turned. DIGIBIHAR released a public dashboard showing the ₹65,000 crore recovery's allocation—schools, hospitals, and jobs for all castes—blunting the casteist narrative. RAKSHAK arrested 20 propagandists spreading fake videos, their opposition ties exposed. Public faith surged, with a Bihar Times poll showing 82% support for Aarav. In Bhagalpur, Rohan Kumar, studying for GAURAV results, told friends, "They're attacking Aarav because he's changing Bihar. I'll serve under him to prove them wrong." The smear campaign had backfired, strengthening Aarav's resolve. As he planned DIGIBIHAR's full rollout, he knew the opposition's next move would be fiercer. Bihar's war for a clean future raged on.
On January 26, 2026, as India celebrated Republic Day, Bihar stood at a historic juncture. Chief Minister Aarav Pathak announced the results of the December 2025 examinations for 102,000 government jobs, a cornerstone of his vision to rebuild Bihar's workforce. The results, covering BPSC, BPSSC, BTET, BCECEB, BCECE, BSHS, BES, and the GAURAV program, were published on the DIGIBIHAR platform at 10 a.m., accessible via a seamless, Aadhaar-linked portal. Simultaneously, Aarav released a list of 47000 candidates caught cheating during the exams, their identities exposed on DIGIBIHAR with details of their AI-detected violations. In a tweet from his official X handle, @AaravPathak_Bihar, he wrote: "Today, 102,000 Biharis take a step toward a new future. Merit wins, corruption loses. DIGIBIHAR lists those who tried to cheat—transparency is our promise. #BiharRising"
Across Bihar, families from every stratum—poor, middle class, and rich—gathered around phones, laptops, and village cyber cafes, refreshing the portal with bated breath. The results, backed by the ₹65,000 crore recovered from RAKSHAK raids, symbolized hope, but the cheating list underscored Aarav's unflinching commitment to fairness. The reactions, raw and varied, painted a vivid picture of a state on the cusp of transformation.
In a mud-brick home in Samastipur, the poor family of Priya Yadav, a 22-year-old BTET aspirant, huddled around a borrowed smartphone. Priya's father, a daily-wage laborer, clutched his wife's hand as she checked the results. When Priya's name appeared among the 50,000 selected teachers, the room erupted in tears and cheers. "My daughter's a teacher!" her mother sobbed, embracing Priya. "Aarav sir gave us this chance—no bribes, just her hard work." Priya, reading the cheating list, nodded approvingly. "Those who tried to cheat got caught. This is fair," she told a Bihar Times reporter outside her home, her voice brimming with pride. The ₹250 exam fee had been a stretch for her family, but now, Priya's ₹40,000 monthly salary promised to lift them from poverty.
In Patna's middle-class Kankarbagh neighborhood, the Sharma family, a teacher and a bank clerk, gathered in their modest flat. Their son, Ankit, 25, had applied for a BCECE graduate-level post. When his name appeared among the 15,000 selected, Ankit's father hugged him, saying, "You're staying in Bihar, beta. Aarav's made that possible." Ankit's sister, scrolling through the cheating list on DIGIBIHAR, remarked, "They used AI and cameras—nobody could sneak through. Aarav's not like the old netas." The family, skeptical of government promises after decades of corruption, felt a surge of trust. Ankit told a local TV crew, "The portal was so easy, and the results came on time. This is a new Bihar."
In a plush Gaya bungalow, the affluent Gupta family, owners of a textile business, awaited results for their daughter, Meera, 24, who applied for a GAURAV engineering post. Meera, an NIT Patna graduate, wanted to serve Bihar despite family pressure to join their business. When her name appeared among the 1,500 GAURAV hires, her parents, initially skeptical of Aarav's "rural focus," beamed with pride. "Meera's building bridges for villages," her father said, checking the DIGIBIHAR portal. The cheating list impressed him. "Aarav's serious—47000 cheaters exposed, no cover-ups," he told Bihar Times. Meera, inspired by Aarav's journey, added, "He's from a village like the ones I'll serve. This job feels like a mission."
The cheating list, detailing candidates caught with hidden devices or impersonators, sparked debate. In Muzaffarpur, a tea stall buzzed with approval. "Aarav sir showed their names publicly," a vendor said. "No one's above the law." On X, #BiharFairExams trended, with posts praising the AI-driven transparency. However, opposition leaders cried foul, claiming the list was a "shaming tactic" to deflect from exam logistics. A Rashtriya Vikas Party MLA, speaking on Bihar Samachar, accused Aarav of "humiliating honest aspirants," but the public, seeing evidence of AI-flagged cheating, dismissed the claims. A Bihar Times poll showed 89% approved of the transparency.
Across Bihar, the 102,000 successful candidates' families celebrated. In Darbhanga, a BSHS-selected nurse's family danced in their courtyard. In Bhagalpur, Rohan Kumar, the GAURAV aspirant, saw his name and told reporters, "Aarav sir's made my dream real—I'll build my village's future." Migrant workers in Delhi, watching results on shared phones, called home, urging siblings to prepare for future exams. Nationally, Times of India lauded Aarav's "gold standard of fairness," while other states' leaders, like Tamil Nadu's Education Minister, tweeted, "Bihar's exam model is a lesson for us."
The opposition's smears, still lingering from the lockdown, lost steam. Aarav's tweet, shared 500,000 times, became a rallying cry. In his Patna office, he reviewed the results with Home Minister Sanjay Pratap and Education Minister Dr. Neha Sharma. "These 102,000 are Bihar's spine," he said, gripping his grandmother's locket. The cheating list, a bold stroke, had silenced doubters, but Aarav knew the opposition would regroup. As Bihar's new workforce prepared to join, the state's transformation gained unstoppable momentum.
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Author's Note: - 1000+ Words
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